Over
the course of 20th century Europe was the center of the biggest
human catastrophes - the First and Second World War. Though, nowadays Europe is
peaceful and cooperation, integration and development of economy, human rights
and supra-national democracy are the main focus of consideration; it is not all
good as it seems. Europe is in crisis, and most would agree that it’s the
biggest political and economical challenge from its existence.
The crisis is changing the general
notion about our national politics and foremost our political system.
Furthermore, this crisis raises fundamental questions for European citizens:
how shell we be governed; what are our mutual responsibilities when it comes to
economic and political cooperation; and how shell Europe relate to the rest of
the world?
In EU, except for the common
currency, there is a lack of strong attachment that will keep Europe together.
Maybe that is one of the reasons why the crisis has led to searching for solutions
predominantly in the specialized discourses among economists. In this
sense, we were satisfied when non-democratically elected technocrats in Greece
and Italy were made prime-ministers. We thought that making the economy little
better will solve the crisis. It has proven not to be true.
Yet,
the crisis of the euro has also transferred over the European political sphere.
Nonetheless, this political sphere seems to evolve around setting policies by
educated technocratic elites, which put accent on analytical policy projected
benefits in the form of economic prosperity and job creation. This managerial
structure, while caring about transparency and policy implementation, neglects
the political and cultural accountability. The single market, foremost, is in
the center of the further integration and regulating competition is something
that citizens acknowledge and accept. Moreover, the ‘real politics’ are made by
national leaders, who in an institution called ‘The Council’ give the main political
directions. That is why it is believed that as long as EU does no touch the
‘political sphere’ of the sovereign national states, like: taxes, education,
defense etc, this small ‘democratic accountability’ can be ignored. And here is
where the discourses between the progressive and conservative political ideas run
into.
At
the beginning of the crisis we thought that all the technocratic elites have to
do is to make the unstable euro stable again, which will make the trust in
banks bigger while the investors will not be suspicious to invest in foreign
countries. However, the
worsening debt crisis has forced the EU governments to adopt harsh austerity
measures and tough economic reforms, which have triggered incidents of social
unrest and massive protests. ‘The sovereign debts and the
pressure of the markets have collided’ (Diez, 2012) . This made the
increasing interest on public debt and economic situation complicate for the
consolidation process and resolvent of the crisis. Who has to give up the
national sovereignty (the poor countries), and who can impose external
austerity measures (the rich countries) is in the focus of the political
debate.
Which are the dominant discourses
to overcome the democratic and economic crisis and what is the future of the
European democracy (?) will be the questions that this thesis will try to
consider. This dissertation will address
these questions by comparing different contemporary theorists, political groups
and EU leaders and will try to compare discourses on how to deal with the
crisis. What's more, in this thesis, only those discourses analyzing the democratic
legitimation crisis at EU level, who believe in the EU project, will be
considered.
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